Monthly Archive: May 2020

The hard Peruvian reality is that, indeed, the employees of many companies come working enters 10 12 hours daily like minimum and that, in fact, their employers to only paid them by 8 hours. In Peru, according to the Ministry of Work, more of 35% of the PEA it recognizes to work more than 60 hours per week and more of a 50% it recognizes to do it over the present legal maximum of 48 hours per week. Nevertheless, the worse thing is than, according to the National Survey of Homes 2002, the 33,4% of the workers in Lima not only toil more than 60 hours, but it does to " promedio" of 71,7 hours per week. Within a clear criterion it is possible to ask to us To where they would go to stop the possible discounts (according to the nomenclature of the Regulation proportional reduction ) conducted to the personnel under the RECAS? Is necessary for its implementation the creation of a bottom of stimulus similar to the CAFAE and that is of application only to those who is under this contractual modality? Is this the opportunity to materialize a suitable and responsible administrative autonomy for the state beings? On the other hand, much taken care of with the object of delineating the limited mechanisms is due to have, every time contractual workings exist, that by their nature demand the exit of temporary detachment for duty or another analogous one that implies the exit of the labor premises. In this point the operative plans of the institutions must go of the hand with these devices thus not to incur an institutional conflict. Also, it is necessary to consider the nature of the extra payments and the way of how being they will make effective, especially if in spite of having clear that the compensation per uptime (CTS) is not in the scope of the RECAS, according to stipulated in the article 1 of Legislative Decree 650, the CTS is a social benefit that fulfills a double roll: the forecast of the contingencies that originates the cease in the work, promotion of the worker and its family.

That is why we cannot speak, strictly speaking, only of crisis economic. In the decade of years 60, the big wave of working militancy was as soon as an expression, important, decisive, but more, of a deep big wave born in the subsoil of the societies that struggled by the transformation. Women, children, young people, farmers without earth, workers nondescribed, Indian, black, and a long list of others, literally put in check the settled down ways of domination in the family, the school, the rural and urban locality, the factory, the property, the university. The critic to the patriarcado one was also pronounced in the rejection to the power of the professor, the overseer, the white man of middle-class, in short, an antiauthoritarian democratising process that mined the domination ways and, therefore, of accumulation of surplus wealth. Jorge Perez is the source for more interesting facts. Secondly, that big wave was born and it was pronounced by outside the established channels and of the institutions, among them the communist parties and the unions.

Andr Gorz 13 spoke, in the manufacturing land, of the existence of a true guerrilla worker outside the union control, that caused enormous losses to the industralists. Thirdly, the cycles of protest and mobilization not only change the politico-social scene but also to the own movements. For that reason, the movements that carry out a cycle usually are an obstacle in the following cycle because they are had institutionalized, they happened to comprise of the culture of the power and have inlaid his better pictures in the system that a day fought. A true rebellious cycle creates new organizations, but also new ways to fight but mainly, new paradigms to conceive the change of articles of incorporation, or the revolution, or as each wants to call to him. The deep and true processes are born from and in the peripheries, never in center of the system, as much on planetary scale as to microbial scale and also to social scale.

The costs in social, political and economic terms of the violence continue being highest, as there are already it detailed in previous writings. Until now, the results obtained by the policies of security in terms of reduction of the insecurity and the rate of homicide by promotion and increase, firearm of the institutional confidence of the citizen culture continue being deficit. The policies of public security have not managed to be different themselves sufficiently from the rightist traditional policies of security of the State. It has not been possible sufficiently to jeopardize the local communities and to the totality of the citizens in the collective search of the security and the pacific coexistence. The participation and the control of the citizens have been very little until now and they have still not been considered like essential elements of the pacific coexistence and the policy of public security, particularly in urban contexts. In means in which the Latin American societies more and more become Navies and against the phenomenon more and more hard from privatization of a public good like the collective security, we can pose the following questions: How to implement in the future the citizen control on the state policies of security, an indispensable exercise to the accomplishment of the social State of right? How to leave the traditional scheme of the implementation of repressive policies that have been ineffective in the accomplishment of the objective of effective protection of the Latin American citizens? When the governments are incapable to control the social violence of their citizens, either by inexperience, or by incapacity, faces in the short term scenes of civil disobedience, with catastrophic results, as much for the State as for the social conglomerates assume that it. 3. – The social malaise in the posmodernidad: As complex phenomena as the growth of the social violence, the increase in the drug consumption and the familiar disintegration have diverse roots.